In Part 1, The Gateway Pundit revealed that the Georgia Secretary of State (GASOS) and the GASOS COO Gabriel Sterling, who left the SOS office to take a private contract with the SOS office and then returned to the SOS after the election, neglected to act on several requests to rectify a reported issue in Coffee County regarding their Dominion equipment before the Nov 3, 2020 election.
In Part 2, the mysterious ability of Dominion technicians to repair equipment without ever touching it was revealed through the sworn affidavit of now-indicted 30-year retired school teacher Cathy Latham.
In Part 3, we discussed a State Election Board complaint that resulted in Fulton County entering into a Consent Order that acknowledged “36 inconsistencies” in the Nov. 14th hand-recount/risk-limiting audit outlined in a report by Georgia Governor Brian Kemp’s office. This report was based on research by Joe Rossi and David Cross showing numerous double and triple counted batches in the hand-count that helped the results get in line with the original machine count. The result was an excess 4,057 votes tallied for Joe Biden in the hand-count.
Part 4 – Where’s the Proof?
During the 2020 Election in Fulton County, a “non-partisan” observer by the name of Carter Jones observed “nearly 270 hours” as part of a consent order with the county and the State Election Board. As reported by the GPB, Jones wrote of the Fulton County election:
“At no time did I ever observe any conduct by Fulton County election officials that involved dishonesty, fraud, or intentional malfeasance. During my weeks of monitoring, I witnessed neither ‘ballot stuffing’ nor ‘double-counting’ nor any other fraudulent conduct that would undermine the validity, fairness, and accuracy of the results published and certified by Fulton County.”
But this is not what Carter Jones reported on Election night. Jones reported on election night that “order was starting to break down” and Ralph (Jones) was double counting ballots at the State Farm Center!
After Part 3 of this series that documents the State Election Board (SEB) entering into a Consent Order with Fulton County Board of Registrations and Elections (BRE) regarding 36 inconsistencies that add up to a 4,057 vote surplus for Joe Biden, it seems clear that “they made the numbers add up.” But, in all fairness, the hand-count wasn’t the “official count”. So how did the Election Day Machine Count (MC1), hand-recount and the Machine Recount (MC2) “add up” then?
Fulton County: Over 20,000 Votes of “Unknown Provenance” in Original Count
Rossi and Moncla submitted a SEB Complaint 2023-025 on July 8th, 2022, in which they lay out two claims:
1. Irregularities in the Recount that lead to the addition of 16,382 votes
to the “Batches Loaded Report” (BLR) of December 3, 2020 to the
“certified result,” on December 4, which included 3,125 duplicate
ballots and 17,852 votes of unknown provenance – that is, for which
no physical ballot was in evidence.
2. Additional tabulator results from unreported and unidentifiable
tabulators that accounted for 20,713 votes in the November 3rd vote
In claim #2 above, based on evidence provided by officials they showed that the original count on November 3 was missing 20,713 ballot images and count-confirming tabulator tapes. Furthermore, this count of 20,713 ballots came from ten Advance Voting tabulators that have no record of existing. Open Records Requests were made for public documents explicitly regarding those ten tabulators, to which Fulton County responded they had “No such records.”
This means that there are no poll tapes. There are no daily status tapes. There are no poll closing tapes. They are not in the Logic and Accuracy testing logs. They do not appear in the equipment distribution logs nor the machine pick-up logs. They apparently don’t exist.
The following chart documents where each of the 20,713 votes were counted and on which specific “tabulator” according to the Cast Vote Record:
Moncla sought further confirmation and followed up with a request to the Fulton County Records Department and Fulton County Custodian of Records, Steve Rosenberg, to “confirm they don’t exist”. The Records Department replied, “This request has no additional responsive records. The records received in ORR R008635-120121 were complete.” The aforementioned email inquiries and responses were reviewed by The Gateway Pundit’s Brian Lupo. The tabulators documented in the chart above specifically were identified in the request.
Below are the relevant screenshots from responses regarding the non-existent tabulators:
So far, Carter Jones statements do not hold water. The hand-count was off by a significant amount. The 4,057 vote surplus for Biden was a difference of 34% of the margin of victory in just one county that accounts for only 10% of Georgia’s electorate. MC1 was not any better. In fact, it was significantly worse: 20,713 votes that have no record and were recorded on machines that don’t seem to exist at all.
Machine Count 2 (MC2): 17,234 Less Than the Election Night Count (MC1)
The second machine count began on November 24th, 2020 and had a deadline for completion of midnight on December 2, 2020. Fulton County submitted results that showed 511,543 votes tabulated. This is contradictory to MC1 which showed 528,777 were originally tabulated, or a difference of 17,234 votes less in the second machine count, MC2.
However, by December 4th, Fulton County “found” 16,382 votes. Remember from Carter Jones: “It’s not what it looks like during the election. It’s what happens after the election and what it looks like at the end. Fulton was able to make their numbers zero out…”
But where did those 16,382 votes come from? Through an Open Records Request on an unrelated topic, Moncla stumbled upon an email dated December 3, 2020 from Fulton County Elections Director Rick Barron to Ryan Macias of the Elections Group. Macias was formerly the acting Director of the EAC’s testing and certification and is a “Subject Matter Expert” for the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA).
Included in that email obtained through Open Records Request was a PDF file titled “Batches Loaded Report.xml”. The report showed 511,543 votes “tabulated and published.” According to the complaint (full complaint attached at bottom):
To ensure the report was not outdated or irrelevant, we opened the file in its native format
(.XML) using a web browser which revealed relevant timestamps for both the email and the
As can be seen in the image above, the document itself contains the timestamp of the Batches
Loaded Report (BLR) “2020 12-03T 17:06:29Z”, or December 3rd 2020 at 17:06:29 Zulu Time. (Note: Zulu time is 5 hours behind Eastern Standard Time)
This shows that the “Batches Loaded Report” attached to the email was made 6 minutes before the email was sent. The email itself was sent 12 hours after the “deadline” to submit MC2 results.
Fulton County made the following tweet on Dec 3 at 12:52am, 12 hours before the email between Barron and Macias:
Fulton County has completed the recount of the November 3 Presidential Election. Results will be released by the Secretary of State's Office.
— FultonCountyGeorgia (@FultonInfo) December 3, 2020
During a December 4th meeting to certify the vote, Barron told Fulton County BRE that a scanner had two sets of 62 batches with the same identification, which led to the failure to count one of those batches. It was resolved by scanning those batches on a separate scanner. The following is queued up to the relevant statement from that meeting (29:57-30:30):
From Barron’s statement above, he claims:
“There are “only two ways you can do it (resolve the issue). Either you have have to append those batches at the end or you can scan them on different scanners. So we used the different scanners rather than appending them on the end.”
While Barron said he chose to rescan those 62 batches instead of append them, there were still 49 batches were appended, instead, to the end of the end of the count on the evening of Dec 3, 2020:
In the clip below (59:12 – 1:00:34), Fulton County Board member Mark Wingate questions the inconsistencies in all three counts and concludes with Barron “coming up with some reconciliation because if [he] wouldn’t have done that [he] would have been, what, some 3 or 4 thousand votes even less?”:
After the Thursday afternoon email from Barron to Macias, who was neither a Fulton Co employee, a Happy Faces employee, a Fulton County contractor nor a Fulton County vendor, 16,198 voters were added to the count. Macias was working in Fulton County on behalf of The Elections Group, which was being funded by the Center for Tech and Civic Life (Zuckerbucks).
Expert Witness Finds Similar Discrepancies in Federal Lawsuit
Expert witness Philip Stark submitted a Declaration in a pending federal lawsuit stating that Fulton County records are missing 17,852 ballot images from the official recount results. Fulton County admitted in a Requests for Admissions that they did not preserve “a majority of ballot images” from Nov 3. 2020.
Summary: Fani Willis is Investigating the Wrong Person(s)
Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis does not seem interested with investigating these anomalies, but rather is focused on prosecuting the leading candidate opposing her political party.
- 10 tabulators that have no record of existing but are attributed to over 20,000 votes
- 17,852 missing ballot images in the second machine count
- 376,863 missing image files from the first machine count
- an email sent after Fulton announced the recount was complete that showed 16,382 votes added to the Batches Loaded Report after Fulton Election Director Richard Barron consulted via email with The Elections Group’s Ryan Macias
SEB Complaint has been in front of the State Election Board for over a year, despite the Complaint’s drafters being responsible for the Complaint that led to a report from Governor Kemp, and, eventually, a Consent Order between Fulton County BRE and the SEB.
Until SEB Complaint 2023-025 and election expert Philip Stark’s declaration in Curling v. Raffensperger is addressed, there is no other way to describe DA Willis’s prosecution as a weaponization of her office to attack a political rival.
Hopefully the cameras work in the courtroom.
Part 5 to follow.