Unlike the mainstream media, The Gateway Pundit has long believed the chief objective behind Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s Russia investigation is to nullify the results of the 2016 presidential election.
In fact, while both liberals and conservatives declared the ‘honorable,’ ‘highly respected,’ Mueller was the correct man to lead the Russia probe, this website expressed deep reservations about the special counsel’s character and history as a prosecutor.
Michael Flynn’s guilty plea, followed by a tweet sent out by President Trump’s lawyer John Dowd, appearing to imply the White House was aware of the former National Security Advisor lied to the FBI, has brought an odd, new focus to the mission behind Mueller’s probe. Former Chief Assistant U.S. Attorney Andrew C. McCarthy writes in the National Review that Mueller’s end game is now clear as day; impeach the 45th President of the United States, Donald J. Trump.
“It is now an obstruction investigation,” McCarthy writes in reference to Mueller’s probe, “Which means that it’s an impeachment investigation.”
Assuming I am correct about Mueller’s theory, its fatal flaw as a vehicle for prosecution is the same as it has always been: As president, Trump had incontestable power to exercise prosecutorial discretion and to fire the FBI director. […] The FBI and the Justice Department are not a separate branch of government; they are subordinates of the president delegated to exercise his power, not their own. Even on Comey’s account, Trump did not order him to shut down the Flynn investigation, even though he could have. Trump could have ordered an end of the Russia counterintelligence investigation, but he did not. He could have pardoned Flynn, which would effectively have ended the FBI’s criminal investigation — beyond any possibility of review. We can stipulate that these would have been sleazy things to do, potentially damaging to national security, and still grasp that the president had the undeniable power to do them. […] The president may not be prosecuted in a criminal judicial proceeding for exercising his discretion, however objectionably, in executive matters over which the courts have no power of review. If Mueller tried to indict him, Trump would have unfettered discretion to fire Mueller and to direct the Justice Department to drop the case. […] When executive powers are abused, Congress retains the constitutional authority to impeach and remove the president.
For those watching Mueller’s every move, McCarthy is a must-read. Mueller had Washington spooked a day before Halloween after indicting former Trump campaign chair Paul Manafort, along with his business partner Rick Gates, on 12 charges, ranging from tax fraud to conspiracy to launder money.
While the mainstream media screamed bloody murder, a clear-eyed McCarthy expertly broke down why Mueller’s charges against Manafort appeared “shaky and overcharged.”
“The offense of failing to register as a foreign agent (Count Ten) may be a slam-dunk, but it is a violation that the Justice Department rarely prosecutes criminally. There is often ambiguity about whether the person’s actions trigger the registration requirement, so the Justice Department’s practice is to encourage people to register, not indict them for failing to do so,” McCarthy wrote.
McCarthy concludes his op-ed asserting Mueller’s overzealousness paves the way for President Trump to deny the Special Counsel’s investigation has “actionable collusion case.”
This could be a “boon,” for President Trump, argues the former prosecutor and National Review fellow.
If the political and media elite believe the American people will sit by as President Trump is removed from office, especially as the alleged crimes of Hillary Clinton, James Comey and Andrew McCabe go unpunished, the ensuing shock will pale in comparison to what they experienced on November 8, 2016.